Page 1 *
Statement prepared by W. C. White, D. E. Robinson and A. L. White
During the years 1860 to 1863, while the final steps were
being taken in the development of church organization, the leaders of the
church were facing with increasing intensity other new and grave perplexities.
The political strife in the United States, culminating in civil war, brought to
the front a number of problems whose solution affected not only their relation
to current issues, but which was to mold the policy of the church during even
more troublous times of international conflict. Naturally as the Civil War
crisis developed, the members of the church looked to the leaders, particularly
to James and Ellen White, for some pronouncement regarding how the new and
perplexing situations should be met.
Fortunately, there were no sectional divisions among the
Sabbath-keeping Adventists. While their work had expanded steadily from east to
west, it had not, prior to the Civil War, penetrated the Southern slave-holding
states. Those who had accepted the message were united in their opposition to
the principles of human slavery. They were patriotically in sympathy with the
Northern States, and with the government of the Union at Washington. Their
attitude was such that in the later years of the war they could declare to the
civil authorities that "Seventh-day Adventists are rigidly anti-slavery, loyal
to the government, and in sympathy with it against the rebellion."-- The
Views of Seventh-day Adventists Relative to Bearing Arms, p. 7 (1864).
*
Manuscript prepared by W. C. White, D. E. Robinson, and A. L.
White giving in detail a carefully documented account of how Seventh-day
Adventists met the Civil War crisis as it related to the draft, the Sabbath,
and the bearing of arms and amplified by A. L. White to include all items
available from the pen of Ellen G. White which have a bearing on the subject.
Extracts of the original draft appeared in the Review and Herald, Nov.
26, 1936, as a part of the series of articles entitled "Sketches and Memories
of James and Ellen White."--A. L. White.
Page 2
Despite their common viewpoint, there were dangers
confronting the young and growing church. There was the danger that the minds
of the believers should become so absorbed in the political issues that they
would be diverted from their work of proclaiming the message. And there was
danger that the public would lose interest in the message as their attention
was absorbed in the national affairs.
Both these dangers were anticipated by James White. In the
late summer of 1860, when the excitement of the presidential election was at
its height, he sounded an editorial note of warning against being drawn into
political controversy. He counseled the ministers either to conduct their
efforts in "small places away from the heat of political strife," or to close
them for the season. He wisely avoided either condemning or advocating the
exercise of the ballot, stating:
We are not prepared to prove from the Bible that it would bewrong
for a believer in the third message to go in a manner becoming his profession,
and cast his vote. We do not recommend this, neither do we oppose.
* -- Review and Herald, Aug. 21, 1860.
Abraham Lincoln, the Republican candidate for the
presidency, while not deeming it best to meddle with slavery in the states
where it existed, was pledged to oppose its spread into new territory. It was
natural that those of our people who went to the polls should vote for him. His
election in November was followed in a few weeks by the beginning of the
secession of the Southern States. South Carolina passed the secession act
December 20, 1860. Similar ordinances were passed on three successive days,
January 9, 10, and 11 by Mississippi, Florida, and Alabama respectively, and by
the first of February
* At a prayer meeting of the Battle Creek Church,
held on the evening of Sunday, March 6, 1859, with both James and Ellen White
attending, decision was reached that it would be proper for the Sabbathkeeping
Adventists to cast their votes in the town election of the next day, lending
support to men running for office who stood for temperance principles. See
Temperance, pp. 255-256.
Page 3
Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas had united with them in
raising the flag of the "Confederate States of America." Thus seven states
seceded before Lincoln was inaugurated and took office on March 4, 1861.
For January 11 and 12, 1861, meetings were appointed in
Parkville, Michigan. These were attended by James and Ellen White and Elders J.
H. Waggoner, Uriah Smith, and J. N. Loughborough. On Sabbath, January 12, after
Sister White had spoken, she was taken off in vision.
In this vision it was revealed to Mrs. White that other
states would unite with South Carolina, and that a most terrible war would
result. She was given views of armies in conflict, with terrible carnage by
bullet and bayonet. She saw battle fields covered with the dead and dying. She
witnessed scenes of suffering in overcrowded prisons, and she saw homes where
distess and anguish reigned because of the loss of husbands, sons, or
brothers.
After coming out of vision, she looked around the house,
and said sadly, "There are those in this house who will lose sons in that
war."*
At the time this vision was given, neither the North nor
the South was expecting a great war to follow. The Southern politicians argued
that they "could make better terms out of the union than in it." It was their
thought that they would "withdraw temporarily from the Federal government until
proper guarantees for the observance" of what they regarded as their rights and
interests should be given. "They did not believe the United States authorities
would really attempt" such a tremendous undertaking as the occupation of their
vast territory in an effort to conquer them by force. (See Encyclopedia
Britannica, art. United States.)
* For further details of this vision, and of the
accuracy of its fulfillment see The Great Second Advent Movement, pp.
337-340.
Page 4
As for the Federal government, their limited expectations
regarding the war are indicated by the fact that even after the first
aggressive shot had been fired at Fort Sumter on April 12, and war was regarded
as inevitable, the president on April 15 issued a call for only 75,000 men, and
that for a period of three months.
This call for 75,000 volunteers for the Federal army was
quickly and enthusiastically met. When the quotas allotted to each state, each
county, and township were filled, further applications were refused. In Battle
Creek, following a mass meeting held April 20, attended by more than a thousand
citizens, 71 volunteers enlisted. The following morning others came and were
turned away disappointed because the roll was full.
President Lincoln called the Congress into special session
July 4, 1861. Congress addressed itself immediately to the execution of the
war, its finance, and authorized an army of 500,000 volunteers. Before the
special session closed, the forces of the North and the South met in combat on
July 21, 1861, in the Battle of Bull Run at Manassas, Virginia, some thirty
miles south of Washington. The disheartening defeat of the Northern forces
emphasized their lack of preparation for the war. But there were other reasons
for this defeat and the lack of a decisive victory for either side. To Ellen
White, in a vision given to her at Roosevelt, New York, on August 3, just two
weeks after the conflict at Manassas, the curtain was drawn aside, and she was
permitted to see just what took place. Of this she wrote in the article
published in the Review of August 27, 1861, entitled "Slavery and the
War," and reprinted in Testimonies, Volume 1:
I had a view of the disastrous battle at Manassas, Virginia. It was a most
exciting, distressing scene. The Southern army had everything in their favor,
and were prepared for a dreadful contest. The Northern army was moving on with
triumph, not doubting but that they would be victorious. Many were reckless,
and marched forward boastingly, as though victory were already theirs.
As they neared the battle-field, many were almost fainting through
weariness and want of refreshment. They did not expect so fierce an encounter.
They rushed into battle and fought bravely, desperately. The dead and dying
were on every side. Both the North and the South suffered severely. The
Southern men felt the battle, and in a little while would have been driven back
still further. The Northern men were rushing on, although their destruction was
very great.
Just then an angel descended, and waved his hand backward. Instantly there
was confusion in the ranks. It appeared to the Northern men that their troops
were retreating, when it was not so in reality, and a precipitate retreat
commenced. This seemed wonderful to me.
Then it was explained that God had this nation in His own hand, and would
not suffer victories to be gained faster than He ordained, and would permit no
more losses to the Northern men than in His wisdom He saw fit, to punish them
for their sins. . . . The sudden falling back of the Northern troops is a
mystery to all. They know not that God's hand was in the matter.--
Testimonies, Vol. 1, pp. 266-267.
The "sins" of the North here referred to, she explains at
length to be their toleration of slavery, and their efforts only to confine it
to the states where it already existed, rather than to free all bondmen.
As the war progressed, calls were issued by the President
for more soldiers. Each state was required to furnish a certain quota of men
for each call and this in turn was apportioned to each county, city and ward.
If the number of those who freely volunteered failed to reach the required
quota, it would become necessary to institute a draft. To avoid this, they must
find some means of encouraging the enlistment of men to make up the required
number. As a means to promote enlistment, citizens' committees were formed in
many municipalities and they arranged to offer a bounty to be paid to recruits.
Beginning at $25.00, it was soon raised to as high as $100.00 as more and more
men were called to the front.
Page 6
As Seventh-day Adventists were particularly anxious to avoid the threatened
draft which would involve Sabbathkeepers, James White participated heartily in
the matter of raising funds from which a liberal bonus should be paid to
volunteers. While as a rule our brethren were conscientiously noncombatant, yet
they felt it to be their duty to join heartily in raising money for the payment
of the bonus offered to volunteers who had no religious scruples against army
service.
James White and other leading Adventists attended, and took part in a number
of mass meetings of Battle Creek citizens, where there was free discussion of
the various activities in behalf of the war, but particularly the problem of
furnishing the quota of men, if possible, without the necessity of the draft.
He made it clear that his Sabbath-keeping brethren had not refrained from
volunteering because they were cowards, or ease-loving. Though they were
generally poor, they would willingly contribute as freely as the well-to-do.
James White would relate to his wife some of his experiences in these mass
meetings. Several of his associates would appoint him as their representative
to offer their pledges to the fund at the most opportune time. So he would say
in the meeting, "In behalf of my friend, A. B. who is subject to the draft, I
am authorized to subscribe _____ dollars. Also in behalf of my friend, C. D.,
who is not subject to the draft, but who is willing to share the burden of the
bonus fund, I am authorized to subscribe _____ dollars."
On October 20, 1862, a large war meeting was held in Battle Creek "to take
the preliminary steps necessary to fill up the quota of men due from this city
under the call of the Government for 600,000 men." The audience voted down the
proposal of a committee to recommend a bounty of $100.00 for each volunteer,
and substituted an offer of $200.00 in its place. A committee of nine was
chosen to raise funds, among whom were at least two Sabbathkeepers, J. P.
Kellogg and Elder James White, representing the second and third Battle
Page 7
Creek Wards. (Battle Creek Journal, Oct. 24, 1862.)
As the war progressed, this procedure was questioned by some. His attitude
and that of other leading brethren was plainly expressed in reply to a number
of inquiries received by Elder James White "as to whether it was right to
contribute to raise local bounties for the purpose of encouraging enlistments."
To this the answer was given:
We would say we think it is, and have done so in Battle Creek.-- Review
and Herald, Aug. 30, 1864.
And so the perplexities incident to the war increased, as the rate of bounty
was raised, necessitating still heavier calls of means from our own people.
Reports from the workers in the field indicated difficulties in connection with
the proclamation of the message. Elder Ingraham reported the Illinois tent was
laid up because "it was useless to pitch the tent in new fields while the war
excitement lasts." In Iowa Elder J. H. Waggoner and B. F. Snook were arrested
under martial law, and detained till they secured a certificate from the county
judge "setting forth their place of residence, their present occupation and
calling. The Judge advised them to repair immediately to their homes, as they
would be daily more and more liable to troubles and difficulties." From
Rochester, New York, Elder Cornell reported:
The war excitement was so great we had to adjourn for two nights. Our tent
was used for the war meetings. I never saw such an excitement as there is here
in Rochester. The streets are blocked up with the tents of recruiting officers.
The stores are all closed up 3 to 6, P.M., and all are trying to induce men to
enlist. War meetings every night.-- Review and Herald, Aug. 26,
1862.
Yet notwithstanding the difficulties attending the holding of public
efforts, there were compensating conditions. The troubles and perplexities made
the hearts of our brethren sober. They sought the Lord more earnestly, were
more zealous in missionary activity in the communities where they lived, and
the Lord blessed them with many souls.
Page 8
The year 1862 witnessed continued and unexplained reversals for the Northern
forces and more and more men were needed. Up to this time the Union army was
supplied entirely with men recruited on an enlistment basis. Seventh-day
Adventists with their Sabbath-keeping and their non-combatant views had not
enlisted and this led some onlookers to question their loyalty to the
government. Wrote Ellen White:
The attention of many was turned to Sabbath-keepers, because they
manifested no greater interest in the war, and did not volunteer.--
Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 356.
And she commented:
There was need of moving with wisdom to turn away the suspicions
excited against Sabbath-keepers. We should act with great caution. "If it be
possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men." We can obey
this admonition, and not sacrifice one principle of our faith. Satan and his
host are at war with commandment-keepers, and will work to bring them into
trying positions. They should not, by lack of discretion, bring themselves
there.-- Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 356 (January, 1863).
All could see that a draft was inevitable and not far away. How should
Seventh-day Adventists relate themselves to the draft when it came, was the
question in the minds of nearly all.
At this juncture, in an attempt to give guidance to those who found it
difficult to reach a conclusion, Elder White published in the Review of August
12, 1862, an editorial entitled "The Nation." Here, after stating reasons why
Seventh-day Adventists were in sympathy with the cause of the government in the
war that was then being fought, and why they could not conscientiously
volunteer for service, he says, speaking of a possible draft by the government:
The position which our people have taken relative to the perpetuity and
sacredness of the law of God contained in the ten commandments, is not in
harmony with all the requirements of war. The fourth precept of that law says,
"Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy;" the sixth says, "Thou shall not
kill." But in the case of drafting, the government assumes the responsibility
of the violation of the law of God, and it would be madness to resist. He who
would resist until, in the administration of military law, he was shot down,
goes too far, we think, in taking the responsibility of suicide. We are at
present enjoying the protection of our civil and religious rights, by the best
government under heaven. . . . It is Christlike to honor every good law of our
land. Said Jesus, "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's,
and unto God the things that are God's." Matt. 22:21. Those who despise
Page 9
civil law, should at once pack up and be off for some spot on God's
foot-stool where there is no civil law.
When it shall come to this, that civil enactments shall be passed
and enforced to drive us from obedience to the law of God, to join those who
are living in rebellion against the government of Heaven, see Rev. xiii, 15-17,
then it will be time to stand our chances of martyrdom. But for us to attempt
to resist the laws of the best government under heaven, which is now struggling
to put down the . . . rebellion, . . . we repeat it, would be madness.
Those who are loyal to the government of Heaven, true to the
constitution and laws of the Ruler of the universe, are the last men to "sneak"
off to Canada, or to Europe, or to stand trembling in their shoes for fear of a
military draft.
This article caused in some quarters a storm of criticism, the nature of
which may be inferred from the following, printed in the Review two
weeks later:
Several brethren refer to our remarks under this caption (The
Nation), two weeks since, in rather a feverish style. We invite them to read
the article again, and be sure they understand our position before opposing it.
Hold! brethren. This is no time for Christian gentlemen to give way to feelings
of prejudice, and virtually charge us with teaching Sabbath-breaking and
murder. You had better all go to God with this matter, and secure to yourselves
a humble, teachable spirit; then if any of you are drafted, and choose to have
a clinch with Uncle Sam rather than to obey, you can try it. We shall not
contend with you, lest some of you non-resistants get up a little war before
you are called upon to fight for your country. Any well-written articles,
calculated to shed light upon our duty as a people in reference to the present
war, will receive prompt attention.-- Review and Herald, Aug. 26,
1862.
There followed through the columns of the Review a free discussion of
the questions raised regarding the duty of Sabbath-keepers in the face of a
draft, with the result that when the issue was finally reached there was
unanimity of action. The divergence of views for a time, however, is indicated
in a notice on the back page of the Review for September 9, 1862, to the
effect that James White would be unable to meet certain appointments "in
consequence of the sickly season, war excitement, fear of the Indians
(doubtless groundless), excited feelings over our article entitled 'The
Nation,' and the General Conference so near."
Page 10
The general attitude of the brethren toward government requirements and the
war was reflected by H. E. Carver in his response to James White's position as
he set it forth in the Review:
We owe an allegiance to the government under which we live. We are
bound to sustain the government until the government shall require us to
disobey God, then we must not hesitate as to which we shall serve. . . . I
trust the Lord will save us from this great trial, but if the trial must come,
I pray God for wisdom and strength to glorify Him by keeping His commandments.
-- Review and Herald, Oct. 21, 1862.
At this juncture the church received counsel through the Spirit of prophecy.
In January, 1863, "Testimony for the Church," No. 9, was advertised in the
Review, with the statement that it contained instruction regarding "the
war, and our duty in relation to it."
This was not the first testimony article making reference to the Civil War,
but it was the first to give specific counsel in regard to the draft,
enlistment, etc. An article entitled "The North and the South" (Vol. 1, pp.
253-260), published a year earlier (January, 1862), helped to clarify in the
minds of Seventh-day Adventists the true issues of the war. And there was a
second article which followed entitled "Slavery and the War" presenting the
vision of August 3, 1861.
But it was in this chapter, "The Rebellion," published in January, 1863, and
now found in Testimonies, Volume 1, pages 355-368, that entered into a
discussion of the draft that seemed inevitable. It was revealed to Mrs. White
that God held the nation accountable for the sin of slavery, and that both the
North and the South were being punished. Of the final outcome of the war she
said:
God is not with the South, and He will punish them dreadfully in the end. .
. . I saw that God would not give the Northern army wholly into the hands of a
rebellious people, to be utterly destroyed by their enemies. . . . I saw that
both the South and the North were being punished. In regard to the South, I was
referred
Page 11
to Deut. 32:35-37: "To me belongeth vengeance and recompense: their foot
shall slide in due time; for the day of their calamity is at hand, and the
things that shall come upon them make haste.-- Testimonies, Vol.
1, pp. 359, 365, 368.
Regarding some who were boldly asserting that they would die rather than
submit to the draft, and who had criticized the position taken by James White
and other leaders, the testimony declared:
I saw that those who have been forward to talk so decidedly about
refusing to obey a draft, do not understand what they are talking about. Should
they really be drafted, and, refusing to obey, be threatened with imprisonment,
torture, or death, they would shrink, and then find that they had not prepared
themselves for such an emergency. They would not endure the trial of their
faith. What they thought to be faith, was only fanatical
presumption.-- Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 357.
The following most excellent caution was given against maintaining a
boastful confident attitude as to how a future crisis would be met:
Those who would be best prepared to sacrifice even life, if
required, rather than place themselves in a position where they could not obey
God, would have the least to say. They would make no boast. They would feel
deeply and meditate much, and their earnest prayers would go up to Heaven for
wisdom to act and grace to endure. Those who feel that in the fear of God they
cannot conscientiously engage in this war, will be very quiet, and when
interrogated will simply state what they are obliged to say in order to answer
the inquirer, and then let it be understood that they have no sympathy with the
Rebellion.-- Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 357.
Jealousy and lack of unity among the leaders of the Northern army was
declared in this testimony to be largely responsible for the long protraction
of the struggle and for many of the losses of the Federal forces. *
* A few weeks after the publication of this
Testimony, there appeared in the Review a lengthy letter from Brother
Otis Nichols, accompanying which were newspaper clippings which confirmed the
statements regarding the conduct of the war, and regarding those in the
Northern army who were traitors at heart to the cause for which they were
supposed to be fighting. He made reference to Mrs. White's positive statement
to the effect that "they (the South) will not fully triumph over the Northern
armies."
Page 12
Then Ellen White turns to certain very practical phases of the crisis of the
times. Concerning our allegiance to the government she wrote:
I saw that it is our duty in every case to obey the laws of our
land, unless they conflict with the higher law which God spoke with an audible
voice from Sinai, and afterward engraved on stone with His own finger. "I will
put my laws into their mind, and write them in their hearts; and I will be to
them a God, and they shall be to me a people."
He who has God's law written in the heart, will obey God rather
than men, and will sooner disobey all men than deviate in the least from the
commandment of God. God's people, taught by the inspiration of truth, and led
by a good conscience to live by every word of God, will take His law, written
in their hearts, as the only authority which they can acknowledge or consent to
obey. The wisdom and authority of the divine law are
supreme.-- Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 361.
With the principle laid down that the Christian is duty bound to obey the
laws of the land, unless there is a conflict with God's higher law, Ellen White
then comes to a very critical point, that of enlistment in an army which makes
no provision for individual conscience. We quote from the next paragraph in the
testimony:
I was shown that God's people, who are His peculiar treasure,
cannot engage in this perplexing war, for it is opposed to every principle of
their faith. In the army they cannot obey the truth and at the same time
obey the requirements of their officers. There would be a continual
violation of conscience. Worldly men are governed by worldly principles. . . .
But God's people cannot be governed by these motives. . . .
Those who love God's commandments will conform to every good law of
the land. But if the requirements of the rulers are such as conflict with the
laws of God, the only question to be settled is, Shall we obey God, or
man?-- Testimonies, Vol. 1, pp. 361-362. (Emphasis supplied.)
The reader must bear in mind that when this statement was published in
January, 1863, there was as yet no draft. All military service in the Union
forces was on a purely enlistment basis. A man entered the army by volunteering
his services and at the same time became without reservation subject to the
orders of his officers. There was a sharp conflict with the fourth com-
Page 13
mandment and the sixth of God's law. There was no provision for Sabbath
observance or noncombatancy. "In the army they" could not "obey the truth and
at the same time obey the requirements of their officers."
We should pause to note at this juncture that there are some who have taken
this January, 1863, E. G. White statement that "in the army they (Seventh-day
Adventists) cannot obey the truth and at the same time obey the requirements of
their officers" (Testimonies, Vol. 1, p. 361) to mean that at no time
and under no circumstances can a Seventh-day Adventist be loyal to God and
engage in military service. It must be recognized that Ellen White was speaking
of the circumstances in connection with "this perplexing war"--the Civil
War--at that period when military service was on an enlistment basis only, and
there was no provision whatsoever for the convictions of individual
conscience. *
In March, 1863, a little less than three months after the publication of the
testimony article referred to above, with its guiding counsels, the Congress of
the United States passed an act for "the enrollment of all able bodied male
citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty-five," and the president was
authorized to make drafts for military service.
Although this Conscription Bill of March, 1863, made no provision for
noncombatant service, it did allow one drafted to be released, either by the
furnishing of a substitute, or by the payment of $300. This provision was
welcomed by the Adventist believers as a providential means of avoiding
combatant service and conflicts over Sabbath observance, but it also carried a
threat of a new and growing danger. With such
* Note:
Concerning some such counsels which must be studied in relation to the
circumstances of the times of writing, Ellen G. White stated in a later year:
Regarding the testimonies, nothing is ignored; nothing is cast aside; but time
and place must be considered.- - Writing and Sending Out of the
Testimonies, p. 25.
Page 14
a call for means upon our brethren in the purchasing of substitutes, the
financial interest of the cause was imperiled. Recognizing this danger, James
White wrote:
The advancement of the third message is the highest object on earth
for which we can labor. Whatever suffering there may be elsewhere, this cause
should be the last to suffer for want of means. Should our brethren be drafted,
they should, if necessary, mortgage their property to raise the three hundred,
rather than to accept means that should go into the Lord's treasury. We would
say this even of our ministers.--Review and Herald, Nov. 24,
1863.
In urging that the money raised by Systematic Benevolence should not be
lessened nor diverted from the support of the ministry, he cited his own
practice. Without lessening his usual annual payment into this fund, he had
laid aside an equal amount to help drafted ministers, if necessary. A year
later, he claimed as "one privilege," the payment of "ten dollars to each
efficient minister who shall be drafted from among us, to help him pay the
$300."--Review and Herald, Sept. 27, 1864
Thus he set an example of faithfulness in the support of the cause, and in
helping those who might be involved in the draft. A similar spirit was manifest
throughout the field. One of our ministers, Elder Isaac Sanborn, facing payment
for a note which was soon coming due, inserted a notice in the Review
stating that he had borrowed $150.00 to clear another brother from the draft,
and inviting the help of any who would like to assist "in this enterprise." It
was this spirit of mutual helpfulness in providing funds for the payment of
bounties or exemptions which made it possible, in most cases, for our brethren
to avoid serious conflicts over the question of bearing arms.
The Conscription Act of 1863 was amended in February of 1864. In the
amendment provision was made by the Federal government that "members of
religious denominations, who shall by oath or af-
Page 15
firmation declare that they are conscientiously opposed to the bearing of
arms," shall when drafted "be considered noncombatants." They might then be
assigned to duty in hospitals, or to the care of freedmen; or they might avail
themselves of the privilege of exemption granted to those who should pay
$300.00.
So long as the general provision for the release of any drafted men from
military service by the payment of $300.00 each was in force, no steps were
taken by Seventh-day Adventists to obtain recognition as noncombatants. Our
denomination was young and its membership relatively small and unknown. So, for
more than a year, most of our men when drafted secured exemption by paying the
$300.00.
But a bill signed July 4, 1864, revoked "the clause commonly known as the
$300.00 exemption clause," except for those "conscientiously opposed to
bearing arms." This action precipitated a crisis, for if Seventh-day
Adventists were to secure the continued benefits of exemption, or were to
secure noncombatant status should they respond to the draft, they must now
publicly declare their position and attitude.
Prompt steps were taken to meet the issue. On August 3, there was laid
before Austin Blair, Governor of Michigan, a declaration of principles, signed
by the General Conference Committee, giving the reasons why Seventh-day
Adventists "have not felt free to enlist into the service," and requesting the
governor's endorsement of the claim that "as a people we come under the
intent of the late action of Congress concerning those who are conscientiously
opposed to bearing arms, and are entitled to the benefits of said laws."
(Emphasis supplied).
The Governor of Michigan readily granted this request.
Similar steps were taken in other states, as Wisconsin, Illinois, and
Pennsylvania, with equally satisfactory replies from the governors. These
endorsements, together with letters of recommendation from certain military
Page 16
officers, were carried to Washington, D. C., by Elder J. N. Andrews, who
laid them before Provost Marshal James B. Fry.
Mr. Fry stated to Elder Andrews that he construed the exemption clause of
the enrollment law as applying to any denomination who held noncombatant views,
and issued orders to all the Deputy Marshals in accordance with this
construction of the exemption clause. He gave detailed instructions as to how
our brethren should proceed, if drafted, in order to be given the privilege of
exemption through the payment of $300 or to be assigned to some noncombatant
service. Many who were drafted took advantage of the $300 exemption clause
provided for noncombatants. But some who were drafted applied for assignment to
noncombatant service.
It is only in accordance with the facts to state that in a number of cases
brethren who, being drafted, entered the army in late 1864, were treated
unfairly by local officers who refused to recognize the provision of the law.
Under most trying circumstances our young men remained loyal to the God of
heaven, while doing their duty to their fellowman. They endeavored to let their
light shine in the army. Responding to their call for literature, a tract fund
was raised to furnish them with reading matter that they might distribute among
their associates. Many letters were received from drafted men whose claims to
exemption from bearing arms were angrily refused. Two of these letters were
published in one issue of the Review, together with a note from James
White as follows:
The experience they give seems not to be the exception, but the rule. We
have not yet heard of any who though their claims as non-combatants were
endorsed by the provost marshalls of their districts and certificates granted
them accordingly, have succeeded in obtaining a position in hospitals, or in
the care of freedmen. And even the district provost marshalls sometimes refuse
to endorse the claims of our brethren, notwithstanding all the evidences as
noncombatants.--Review and Herald, Jan. 24, 1865.
Page 17
At this juncture, the inquiry is rightfully raised, "Did the Lord give Ellen
White light, either guiding the leaders of the church in the steps they took in
1863 and 1864 in relation to military service, or approving the course which
was followed?"
This question is vitally important to us today, for the position of the
denomination toward military service is based on the "historic stand" we took
in Civil War days.
In the counsels of Testimonies for the Church, Volume One, which
parallels this period in our history, there is no direct information on this
point. After January, 1863, there are no utterances concerning the Civil War or
the draft. Had the war not come to a close within such a short time after the
draft became effective with all its attendant problems, there would undoubtedly
have been some published counsel. It is logical to conclude from inference that
as the leading workers were cautiously feeling their way along on this crucial
question, they kept very close to Mrs. White, and that they were guided by
light which she received from the Lord. It is further logical to conclude that,
if in the absence of any light they took a position in regard to military
service which was out of harmony with God's will, the Lord would have given
them a message to this effect, and the course would have been altered by
correcting counsels. All this seems reasonable and logical.
But we are not left to inference or logical conclusions alone in this matter
which is of such interest and vital importance to our young men throughout the
world. It is indeed gratifying to observe that as the leaders of the church
moved forward prayerfully and carefully in meeting the crises as they arose,
and in finding the "historic positions" we as a denomination take in regard to
the draft, they did so in harmony with the light given by God through the
Spirit of prophecy. Ellen White makes direct reference to this some two
Page 18
decades after the close of the Civil War in a letter to church leaders,
Elder G. I. Butler, President of the General Conference, and S. N. Haskell,
pioneer executive and evangelist. Ellen White, then in Europe, had before her
certain questions these brethren had placed before her, and as she answers, she
looks back and comments concerning the propriety of our church leaders seeking
relief from oppressive measures:
You inquire in regard to the course which should be pursued to
secure the rights of our people to worship according to the dictates of our own
conscience. This has been a burden on my soul for some time, whether it would
be a denial of our faith, and an evidence that our trust was not fully in God.
But I call to mind many things God has shown me in the past in regard to
things of a similar character, as the draft and other things. I can speak
in the fear of God, it is right we should use every power we can to avert the
pressure that is being brought to bear upon our people.-- Ellen G.
White Letter 55, 1886. (Emphasis supplied)
Thus we have the certain answer. The Lord did give Ellen White direct and
definite light which helped the leaders of the church in arriving at the
position they took at that time and since hold concerning the relation of
Seventh-day Adventists to military service.
As the conflict between the forces of the North and the South moved into
1865, President Lincoln made another call for men--this time 300,000. The
Adventist leaders were appalled. Of what this would mean to the church Elder
White wrote:
It is said that the next draft will take about one in three of
able-bodied men, liable to the draft. And it is supposed that this proportion
of Seventh-day Adventists will be drawn; that is, one in three. In this case if
each should pay into the treasury $100, the same would be sufficient to pay
$300, for all drawn at the coming draft.-- Review and Herald, Jan.
24, 1865.
After heading the list with his own pledge for one hundred dollars for a
fund, for the benefit especially of his fellow workers, James White urged
others to join him, and concluded with the words, "If this war continues, God
only knows what it will do for even non-combatants."
Page 19
In a forceful editorial the following week, Elder White expressed his
personal conviction that the impressive petition of the angel of Revelation
7:3, "Hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the trees, till we have sealed
the servants of our God in their foreheads," "symbolizes earnest prayer on the
part of God's loyal people at the present period of this dreadful American
war." He recommended to the church members:
That prayer and giving of thanks for those in authority constitute
a proper portion of their Sabbath and other seasons of public worship, and
also, of family and private devotions, [and also that] the second Sabbath in
each month be especially set apart to fasting and prayer in view of the present
terrible war, and the peculiar relations which non-combatants sustain to the
government, that they may still enjoy liberty of conscience, and lead quiet and
peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.-- Review and Herald,
Jan. 31, 1865.
This personal recommendation was formally adopted by the General Conference
Committee who especially made a call for the setting apart of the second
Sabbath in February as a day of fasting and prayer for the objects specified in
Elder White's article. A few weeks later another call for humiliation and
prayer was issued by the Committee in a two-column article entitled "The Time
Has Come! For the Fulfillment of Rev. 7:3." The brethren were urged to set
apart four days, from Wednesday, March 1 to Sabbath, March 4, as days of
"earnest and importunate prayer." Business were to be suspended, church
services were to be held daily at 1 p.m., and two meetings were to be held on
Sabbath. The earnestness and confidence of the brethren signing this call is
set forth in the concluding paragraph:
The number of God's servants will be made up; for the prophet so
declares; but not till after an earnest work has taken place on the part of the
church. We firmly believe the time has come for us to act--then follows the
sealing work, or the loud cry of the third message--then triumph--then
translation--then eternal life. Amen.-- Review and Herald, Feb.
21, 1865.
Among the conditions that seriously affected the cause was the large and
Page 20
increasing financial burden to raise means for the exemption of
noncombatants from draft. It was estimated that to secure the exemption of
those who would be drafted from the Battle Creek church would cost more than
the amount of their systematic benevolence for the four preceding years, or for
the whole cause, from twenty-five to forty thousand dollars. Thousands of
people who should be hearing and accepting the truth were being drawn away to
the fields of carnage. And while the mind of the nation was so absorbed in the
dreadful contest, it was almost impossible to call their minds to religious
subjects.
With these retarding effects on the spreading of the message caused by the
war, the General Conference Committee in their appeal stated that the
denomination was brought to the place where "if the war continues, we must
stop." Then confidently their hope and faith was set forth:
Relying upon God, and having confidence in the efficacy of prayer,
and the indications of His prophetic word, we believe that the work of God must
not be hindered. . . . God's work in these last days must not, will not
stop.--Review and Herald, Feb. 21, 1865.
And so it was that on that Sabbath day, March 4, 1865, when Abraham Lincoln
was inaugurated for his second term as President of the United States, * ten
thousand Seventh-day Adventists were petitioning heaven that for the sake of
the cause of truth which was being hindered the war might be brought to a
speedy close. On April 9, 1865, General Lee surrendered and the long disastrous
war was virtually over, and wrote James White:
* In his inaugural address, President Lincoln said:
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war
may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth
piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be
sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by
another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so, still
it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous
altogether.--Quoted in Review and Herald, March 21, 1865.
Page 21
The air rang with shouts, Richmond is taken! and Lee has
surrendered! Cities and villages were illuminated. Bonfires and rockets
streamed up to the heavens, while cheers for Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, and
Sheridan rang again. But God's loyal people were on their knees, blessing
Heaven for the answer of their prayers, and weeping with joy over the
faithfulness of God in fulfilling His word.--Review and Herald, April
25, 1865.
Little do we realize what we today owe to the pioneers who in those days of
perplexity were led to adopt an attitude toward war that enabled them to
maintain the respect of government officials for their loyalty to the ordained
powers that be, and that without compromising their loyalty to God in obedience
to His commandments. The history they recorded at that time has made it
possible for our young men to be recognized, not as pacifists, but as
noncombatants, ready to give fullest allegiance to their earthly governments,
so long as they need not violate their conscience in so doing.
When Ellen G. White, in response to the invitation of the General
Conference, spent two years laboring in Europe (1885-1887) she came face to
face with the problems our young men there must deal with in regard to military
service. While living at the new headquarters building in Basel, Switzerland,
erected to serve as the center from which our work in Europe would be directed,
three of the young men employed in our printing office on the ground floor were
called to put in their three weeks of compulsory military drill required
annually of each young man in Switzerland. There was no counsel given that our
young men should resist or disregard this requirement, nor that they should
refuse to wear the uniform of their country required in such service. Ellen
White's contemporary reference to the experience is illuminating:
We have just said farewell to three of our responsible men in the office who
were summoned by the government to serve for three weeks of drill. It was a
very important stage of our work in the publishing house, but the government
calls do not accommodate themselves to our convenience. They demand that young
men whom they have accepted as soldiers shall not neglect the exercise and
drill es-
Page 22
sential for soldier service. We were glad to see that these men with their
regimentals had tokens of honor for faithfulness in their work. They were
trustworthy young men.
These did not go from choice, but because the laws of their nation
required this. We gave them a word of encouragement to be found true soldiers
of the cross of Christ. Our prayers will follow these young men, that the
angels of God may go with them and guard them from every temptation.--Ellen
G. White Uncopied Letter 23, 1886. (Written from Basel, Switzerland, Sept.
2, 1886)
When World War I broke out, Ellen White was well advanced in years and she
gave no instruction in writing which would bear on the duty of our men to the
requirements of military service. In oral conversation she counseled against
defying military authority.
Thus through the years we find a consistency in the instruction and counsels
which give us a certain assurance that the church as it found its way in the
question of the attitude its youth should take to military service, did so in
full harmony with the counsels of the Spirit of prophecy, given of God to guide
and guard His people.
Ellen G. White Publications
Washington 12, D. C.
June 15, 1956
Offset Sept. 1960